Worcester and the Battles of Lexington and Concord

Overview

Worcester, Massachusetts, was one of the towns that mobilized its militia forces in response to the Lexington Alarm. However, the men did not engage the British that day, but they did join in the Siege of Boston.

This account of the Worcester Militia and its response to the Lexington Alarm is taken from History of Worcester, Massachusetts, written by William Lincoln and published in 1862. 

It includes the town’s response to key events during the American Revolution, including the Stamp Act, Townshend Acts, and the Intolerable Acts. However, it also discusses several things unique to Worcester, including the American Political Society, the Worcester Revolt, the Worcester Declaration of Independence, and the Blacksmith’s Convention. Special attention is also paid to the ongoing tensions between Patriots and Loyalists.

Please note that we have made minor text corrections and edits but have not changed the author’s meaning or intent. These changes have been made to help readers, particularly younger ones, understand the text. We have also added spacing and section headings to help readers scan the text and added notes for context.

Essential Facts

• Location: Worcester is about 35 miles southwest of Concord, Massachusetts.
• Commanding Officers: Captain Timothy Bigelow (Militia), Captain Benjamin Flagg (Minutemen).
• Entered the Battle: The Worcester Militia and Minutemen did not engage the British during the battles.
• Lexington Alarm: An Express Rider reached Worcester before noon on April 19, shouting “To arms! To arms! The war is begun!”

History

Loyalists in Worcester

We have now reached the period of deepest interest in our history. The middle of the century had scarcely passed before the shadows of oppression began to darken the land, and the first tremulous motions of the revolution, which finally upheaved the colonial government, were felt. 

The collision of popular privilege with Royal prerogative, maintained during successive years by the representatives, had prepared the people for the investigation of the principles on which their connection with the mother country rested and waked their vigilance for the protection of chartered and inherited rights. 

The long series of French and Indians Wars were useful schools, diffusing military spirit and imparting knowledge of strength and skill and confidence for repulsing encroachments.

When the appeal to arms approached, many of the inhabitants of Worcester most distinguished for talents, influence, and honors adhered with constancy to the King. In the hostility of party and the struggles of warfare, they were driven into exile and loaded with reproach. 

• AHC Note — The author is referring to Loyalists. Throughout this text, the author refers to “Whigs,” who were the American Patriots, and “Royalists” or Loyalists.

At this distance of tirne, when the bitterness of the controversy has long subsided, while we do justice to their memories, a warmer glow of gratitude springs in our hearts for the Patriots whose prophetic forecast saw, beyond the dangers and sufferings of the contest, the prosperity and happiness that brighten over our republican institutions. 

The Royalists here were those who had sustained, with equal fidelity and ability, the highest civil and military offices, enjoyed the confidence of their fellow citizens, and given testimony of their love of country by earnest exertions in its service. 

• AHC Note — The author refers to Loyalists as “Royalists.”

Standing as they did and knowing how scanty were the resources for resistance, they might well entertain doubts whether the period had arrived when it was possible to secure independence and refuse to hazard all that was dear on the uncertain issue of a war with the most formidable nation of Europe. 

Educated with sentiments of veneration for the sovereign to whom they had sworn fealty, indebted to his bounty for the honors and wealth they possessed, loyalty and gratitude alike influenced them to resist acts, which, to them, seemed treasonable and rebellious. 

However much they erred in judgment and feeling, we may respect the sincerity of motives, attested by the sacrifice of property, the loss of home, and all the miseries of confiscation and exile. 

Some among them, it is known, were ardently attached to the principles of liberty, but, in their view, the opposition to the measures of government was premature in its advance to extremities. 

The times did not admit of a middle course. The crisis had indeed arrived, although they misunderstood the progress of events and became involved in indiscriminate denunciation.

It is not for the purpose of wantonly drawing from oblivion those whose descendants have been among our worthiest citizens that the names of the Royalists are mentioned in the following narrative. To understand the transactions, it is necessary to know the persons who were engaged in them and to whom they applied. By changing even slight features, the resemblance of the picture would be destroyed. The annals would be worthless, which impaired confidence by the suppression of truth, even though unpleasant and unwelcome. There is no discretion entrusted to the historian to select among the events of the past. It is his task to relate with fidelity the incidents of the times he reviews, that he may place loyalty and patriotism in their just contrast.

• AHC Note — Throughout this section, the author explains why residents of Worcester remained loyal to the Crown and how they are essential to the town’s story during the American Revolution.

Stamp Act

The earliest expression of opinion, on the records of the town, in relation to revolutionary measures, was made on October 21, 1765, when Captain Ephraim Doolittle, the representative, was instructed to join in no measure countenancing the Stamp Act.

• AHC Note — Doolittle was the town’s representative to the Massachusetts Legislature.

Soon after the destruction of the property of Governor Thomas Hutchinson and other officers of the crown, in August 1765, at the Superior Court, the Grand Jury expressed to the Chief Justice, in strong terms, the disapprobation of the people of the riotous proceedings in Boston.

AHC Notes

• On August 26, 1765, a violent mob stormed the home of Thomas Hutchinson and ransacked it. Although Hutchinson and his family were able to escape unharmed, the house was severely damaged. Hutchinson was not in favor of the Stamp Act, but it was his duty to enforce it.
• The Stamp Act on American History Central provides access to all Entries, including People, Places, Events, and Primary Documents, regarding the Stamp Act.

In May following, the town refused to give instructions respecting restitution to those who had suffered from the disgraceful violence. The instructions given to Ephraim Doolittle on May 19, 1766, are generally marked by singular good sense and moderation.

“1. That you use the whole of your influence and endeavor, that no person holding any fee or military office whatsoever, especially Judges of the Superior Court, Judges of the Probate, Registers of Probate, Secretary, Clerk of either of the Courts, Sheriffs, or Province Treasurer, be chosen into his majesty’s Council of this province, and that you attend at the election of Counsellors, and give your vote accordingly.

2. That you endeavor, that, for the future, the General Court of this province be held in an open manner, that such as are so minded and behave agreeable to good order, may see and hear how affairs are conducted in said court, and if the desired end be obtained, that a proper and convenient house, both for the court and spectators, be forthwith prepared.

3. That you endeavor, that the present fee table of this province be made null and void, and that a new fee table be made and established instead thereof, which shall be more equal and impartial; not giving to any officer in the government, except the Governor, more nor less than you would be willing to do the same service for yourself; and that you observe this rule in granting pay for contingencies and occasional services.

4. That you endeavor, that there be no monopoly of public offices in this government, and that one man be not invested with more than one office at one time, except it be compatible with the true interests of the people in general.

5. That you endeavor, that there be a law made, that whenever any representative shall receive any office or commission from the Governor, he shall be dismissed the house, and not be allowed to act as a member thereof, without he should be chosen anew by his constituents; and that the said constituents be forthwith served with a new precept to call a meeting for the choice of some meet and suitable person to represent them in the Great and General Court.

6. That you endeavor, the excise act be repealed, and that there be no excise laid upon any commodities of trade, but that all lawful trade be encouraged, and free of duty or excise; and that all the public charge be paid directly by a rate, except such money as shall be raised by fines for the breach of the good, wholesome laws of this province.

7. That the law for keeping of Latin grammar schools be repealed, and that we be not obliged to keep more than one grammar school in a county, and that to be at the county charge, and that each town be obliged by law to keep good and sufficient schools for the education of their youth in the art of reading, writing and arithmetic, and that the schoolmasters for the said purpose shall be such as shall be approved of by the selectmen of each respective town.

8. That you use your utmost endeavor, that a law be made to prevent bribery and corruption in the several towns in this province in the choice of representatives.

9. That you give diligent attendance at every session of the General Court of this province this present year, and adhere to these our instructions, and the spirit of them, as you regard our friendship, and would avoid our just resentment.”

• AHC Note — Parliament repealed the Stamp Act on March 18, 1766. The citizens of Worcester would have no way of knowing this at the time these instructions were sent to Ephraim Doolittle. The term “General Court” refers to Legislature.

Townshend Acts

The instructions to Joshua Bigelow, reported by Ephraim Doolittle, Nathan Baldwin, and Jonathan Stone, on May 18, 1767, breathe a similar spirit and are, in many respects, applicable to the present times.

• AHC Note — Parliament followed the Stamp Act with the Townshend Acts, which included a tax on various goods sold in the colonies. The author’s reference to “present times,” is explained below.

“To Mr. Joshua Bigelow: Sir, As we have devolved upon you the important trust of representing us at the Great and General Court, the year ensuing, we, your constituents, therefore, think it our duty and interest to give you the following instructions relative to some of your conduct in said trust.

1. That you use your influence to maintain and continue that harmony and good will between Great Britain and this province [which] may be most conducive to the prosperity of each, by a steady and firm attachment to English liberty and the charter rights of this province, and [that] you willingly suffer no invasions, either through pretext of precedency, or any other way whatsoever: and if you find any encroachments on our charter rights, that you use your utmost ability to obtain constitutional redress.

2. That you use your influence to obtain a law to put an end to that unchristian and impolitic practice of making slaves of the human species in this province; and that you give your vote for none to serve in his majesty’s Council, who, you may have reason to think, will use their influence against such a law, or that sustain any office incompatible with such trust: and in such choice, prefer such gentlemen, and such only, who have distinguished themselves in the defence of our liberty.

• AHC Note — Here, the residents of Worcester refer to slavery as an “unchristian and impolitic practice.” This is what the author referred to before when he mentioned “present times.” This book was published in 1862, during the second year of the Civil War, as the nation was torn apart over various issues, including slavery.

3. That you use your influence that the fee table of this province be established more agreeable to the rules of justice. Set not to the sheriff, as fees, double as much pay as the service may be done for, and in general is by the deputy sheriflfs; neither oblige jurymen, &c., to do service at the expense of their own private estates, or be subjected to large fines or penalties; but subject all, or none at all, by penalties, and appoint so much fees and no more, as may be agreeable to each service; and that you observe this rule, in granting pay for occasional and contingent charges.

4. That you use your endeavor to relieve the people of this province from the great burden of supporting so many Latin grammar schools, whereby they are prevented from attaining such a degree of English learning as is necessary to retain the freedom of any state.

5. That you make diligent inquiry into the cause of such general neglect of the Militia of this province, and endeavor a redress of such grievance; without which, we apprehend, in time, we may be made an easy prey of, by the enemies of Great Britain.

• AHC Note — The residents of Worcester acknowledge they are concerned that they are vulnerable to the British military.

6. Take special care of the liberty of the press.

• AHC Note — The residents stress the importance of freedom of speech in the press.

And, Sir, we hope and trust, that in all matters that may come before you, you will have a single eye to the public good, have a watchful eye over those who are seeking the ruin of this province, and endeavor to make this province reciprocally happy with our mother country.”

The indignation of the people on the promulgation of the act of Parliament imposing duties on paper, tea, and other articles imported into the colonies was first manifested in Boston. 

In October 1767, a meeting was held there, and resolutions to encourage domestic manufactures and refrain from purchasing the taxed articles were passed and transmitted to the selectmen of every town.

On March 14, 1768, a town meeting was held in Worcester when the subject was presented. The following extract from the record exhibits the proceedings of the inhabitants.

“The article in the warrant being read relative to promoting industry and economy, Mr. Joshua Bigelow, our representative, moved to the town, that before they came to a vote he might read the vote of the hon. House of Representatives of this province, passed the 26th of Feb. last, relative to the promoting industry, economy and good morals, and for the discountenancing the use of foreign superfluities, and to encourage the manufactures of this province; which was granted him: it was also moved and seconded, that the reasons given by the Honorable Timothy Ruggles, the representative of Hardwick, on his dissenting answer to the vote aforesaid, might be read also (*): which accordingly was done, and the question was put whether the town would buy any British manufactures more than they could pay for, and it passed in the affirmative (**).”

Author Notes

(*) Brigadier Timothy Ruggles alone opposed the passage of these resolutions. His reasons for dissenting were offered in writing, but it was voted that they should not be entered on the journal. His objections to the encouragement of manufactures were these:

• Because in all countries, manufactures are set up at the expense of husbandry, or other general employment of the people, and if they have not peculiar advantages over husbandry, they will, by discouraging the latter, have an injurious effect.
• That manufactures here must encounter insurmountable obstacles from the thin population and high price of labor: and would be detrimental, by taking hands away from agriculture and the fisheries.

Other objections were deduced from the colonial relation of the province and the mother country and the injury which might result to the interests of England.

(**) One of the earliest woolen manufactories of Massachusetts is thus noticed in the Boston Evening Post, October 10, 1768.

“We hear from Brookfield, that Mr. Joshua Upham of that town, a gentleman in the law, and his two brothers, with a number of other gentlemen, have lately erected a building 50 feet in length and two stories high, for a manufactory house, and are collecting tradesmen of several sorts for the woolen manufactory, and they propose to keep a larga number of looms constantly at work.

• AHC Note — Timothy Ruggles (1711–1795) was a lawyer, soldier, politician, and judge from Massachusetts. He participated in the Stamp Act Congress (1765). In 1774, he was appointed by Governor Thomas Gage to be a Massachusetts Mandamus Councillor.

Non-Consumption Agreement

The sentiments of the inhabitants are more easily deduced from subsequent events than understood from the concluding expressions of the record. The town clerk, a gentleman of strong Royalist attachments, was not probably desirous of correcting any absurdity in the motions of his political adversaries. 

Soon after this meeting, the patriotic party procured the subscriptions of many of the inhabitants to the following paper.

“Whereas the Honorable House of Representatives of this province, on the 26th day of February last, did declare, that the happiness and well-being of civil communities depend upon industry, economy, and good morals, and taking into serious consideration the great decay of trade, the scarcity of money, the heavy debt contracted in the late war, which still remains on the people, and the great difficulties to which they are by these means reduced, did resolve, to use their utmost endeavors, and enforce their endeavors by example, in suppressing extravagance, idleness, and vice, and promoting industry, economy, and good morals: 

To prevent the unnecessary exportation of money, of which the province hath, of late, been drained, did further resolve, that they would, by all prudent means, endeavor to discountenance the use of foreign superfluities, and encourage the manufactures of this province.

The Parliament of Great Britian has passed an act imposing duties on sundry articles for the purpose of raising a revenue on America, which is unconstitutional, and an infringement of our just rights and privileges; 

The merchants of this province have generally come into an agreement not to import goods from Great Britain, a few articles excepted, till that act is repealed; which in our opinion is a lawful and prudent measure: 

Therefore, we the subscribers, do solemnly promise and engage, each with the other, to give all possible encouragement to our own manufactures: to avoid paying the tax imposed by said act, 

• By not buying any European commodity but what is absolutely necessary.
• That we will not, at funerals, use any gloves except those made here, or purchase any article of mourning on such occasion, but what shall be absolutely necessary.
• We consent to abandon the use, so far as may be, not only of all the articles mentioned in the Boston resolves, but of all foreign teas, which are clearly superfluous, our own fields abounding in herbs more healthful, and which we doubt not, may, by use, be found agreeable.
• We further promise and engage, that we will not purchase any goods of any persons who, preferring their own interest to that of the public, shall import merchandize from Great Britain, until a general importation takes place; or of any trader who purchases his goods of such importer: and that we will hold no intercourse, or connection, or correspondence, with any person who shall purchase goods of such importer, or retailer; and we will hold him dishonored, an enemy to the liberties of his country, and infamous, who shall break this agreement.”

The Daughters of Liberty Protest Against Tea

The execution of resolutions against tea required the aid of those to whose care the fragrant herb was entrusted in the household. A female convention assembled in Boston and agreed to discontinue the use of the taxed leaf and substitute a native shrub (Ledum Palustre), an inhabitant of our meadows. 

• AHC Note — Ledum Palustre is more commonly known as “Labrador Tea.”

In imitation of this example, a meeting was held here by the patriotic ladies, who cordially concurred with the good resolutions of their sisters of Boston. The Royalists, who loved their tea and their King and were equally averse to the desertion of the social urn or the sovereign, had influence enough to convene another assembly and procure the reconsideration of its approbation of the American plant and a renewal of allegiance to the exotic of India.

• AHC Note — Loyalists women in Worcester secured Bohea Tea, the “exotic tea of India.”

A paragraph in the Boston Evening Post alludes to the doings of the fair partisans: “We hear that the ladies have discovered the most malignant quality in the Labrador tea, which, by vote of the daughters of liberty within the metropolis, was substituted, to be used in the room of the Indian shrub called Bohea: that they find it to be of so debilitating a quality, and that it produces such a total frigidity in their warmest friends of the other sex, that at a later convention, to deliberate on matters of the greatest consequence, it was agreed, by a majority greater than that of 92 to 17 to rescind their former vote in favor of the detested plant, as being clearly unconstitutional, and tending to rob us of our dearest privileges and deprive us of our most sacred and invaluable rights.”

• AHC Note — The author mentions “92 to 17.” This is in reference to the Massachusetts General Assembly, which voted 92-17 against the recall of the Massachusetts Circular Letter.

As the non-consumption agreement prevented the sale by the merchants of the obnoxious article, the gardens and fields were laid under contributions to supply the table urn. The cup was filled with odoriferous infusions of Mint and Sage. Those who ventured to acknowledge the abstract right of taxation by the use of tea indulged in the luxury as if they were committing a crime, with the utmost secrecy drawing bolt and bar and closing every crevice which might betray the fragrance of the proscribed beverage.

• AHC Note — Here, the author alludes to the idea that the consumption of Bohea tea was an admission that Parliament had the authority to levy taxes on the colonies without giving them representation.

From this period to 1773, no doings of the inhabitants in their corporate capacity mark the progress of the spirit of independence. The influence of the royalists prevented public expression of the high-toned patriotism radiated from the metropolis to every village, and growing day by day more fervid and intense.

The Boston Pamphlet

A petition of Othniel Taylor and 40 others called the attention of the town at the annual meeting in March 1773 to the grievances under which the province labored. After debate, the celebrated Boston Pamphlet was read. A committee was appointed (*) to consider its contents, who presented an elaborate report at the adjournment in May following. 

• Author Note (*) — William Young, David Bancroft, Samuel Curtis, Timothy Bigelow, Stephen Salisbury.
• AHC Note — The Boston Pamphlet was a collection of documents written by the Boston Committee of Correspondence.

Going back to the foundation of civil society, they deduce the principles that mankind are, by nature, free and that the end and design of forming the social compact was that each member of the state might enjoy liberty and property and the unrestrained exercise of civil and religious rights. Tracing the history of the Pilgrims, they derive illustrations of the sacredness of the charter, plighted by royal faith.

Appealing to the long series of services rendered by the province as testimonials of fidelity, they declare, “the fond affection that ever has subsisted in our hearts for Great Britain and its sovereign, has ever induced us, to esteem it above any other country, and as fond children speak of a father’s house we have ever called it our home, and always [have been ready to] rejoice, when they rejoiced, to weep when they have wept, and whenever required, to bleed when they have bled; and in return, we are sorry to say, we have had our harbors filled with ships of war, in a hostile manner, and troops posted in our metropolis, in a time of profound peace: not only posted [in a manner] greatly insulting, but actually slaughtering the inhabitants: cannon levelled against our senate house, the fortress or key of the province taken from us: and as an addition to our distress, the commander in chief of the province [has declared] he had not power to control the troops, &c. Nevertheless we are ready and willing to stand forth in defence of the king of Great Britain, his crown and dignity, and our noble constitution, and, when called to it, risk our lives; and in that day let him that hath no sword, sell his garment and buy one.”

AHC Note

The charter of the Massachusetts Colony established a government that included a Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Governor’s Council, and General Assembly. While the Governor and Lieutenant Governor were appointed by the Crown, the members of the General Assembly were elected by the people. 

The General Assembly elected the members of the Governor’s Council, and also had the authority to set the salaries of government officials, including judges, and pay those salaries. Because of these things, the people of Massachusetts believed government officials were more inclined to serve them and their interests, instead of British interests.

When Parliament enacted the Townshend Acts, it intended to use some of the revenue raised by taxes to pay the salaries of government officials. This was viewed by many Americans as a direct threat to their rights. In Massachusetts, Patriots argued it violated the charter, and, by extension, the British Constitution.

The Boston Pamphlet was written to express grievances about using tax revenue to pay the salaries of government officials and to clearly lay out how it violated the Constitution and charter. The documents are believed to have been written by Samuel Adams, Joseph Warren, and Benjamin Church. 

Adams wrote “Rights of the Colonists” for the Boston Pamphlet.

Committee of Correspondence

It was recommended “that there be a committee of correspondence chosen, to correspond with the committees of correspondence in the other towns in this province, to give the earliest intelligence to the inhabitants of this town, of any designs that they shall discover, at any time, against our natural and constitutional rights.”

The recommendations of the report were adopted, and William Young, Timothy Bigelow, and John Smith were elected as the Committee of Correspondence.

The spirit of discontent, repressed in public, was actively working in the minds of men, and the doctrine of resistance, branded by one party as the theory of treason, was preparing the way for events the brightest of history.

• AHC Note — Committees of Correspondence were used by the Sons of Liberty and Colonial Legislatures to create an intercolonial communication network in order to share critical information and coordinate opposition to British policies. Samuel Adams also encouraged the towns in Massachusetts to establish Committees, which were instructed to communicate with the Boston Committee.

The American Political Society

In the peculiar situation of the town, an efficient and firm union among the friends of freedom was necessary. On December 27, 1773, the leading Whigs assembled and formed a Society, which became a powerful instrument of revolutionary action, directing the proceedings of the town and extending a controlling influence to some of its neighbors. Its organization and doings, illustrative of the feeling of the times and the mode of political operation, are worthy of extended notice.

The constitution and rules of proceeding, reported by Nathan Baldwin, Samuel Curtis, and Timothy Bigelow, exhibit the purposes of the association. Baldwin says, “…that at the then present time the good people of the county, and with respect to some particular circumstances, the town of Worcester especially, labor under many impositions and burdens grievous to be borne, which, it is apprehended, could never have been imposed upon us had we been united and opposed the machinations of some designing persons in this province, who are grasping at power and the property of their neighbors: for preventing these evils and better securing liberty and property, and counteracting the designs of enemies, the associates incorporate themselves into a society, by the name of The American Political Society, to meet at some public house, at least once in every other month, to advise with each other on proper methods to be pursued respecting common rights and liberties, civil and religious.”

The members covenanted, that no discourse or transaction in any of the meetings should be communicated to any person without common consent; that they would avoid all lawsuits as much as possible, and particularly with each other: and if differences should arise between members, which they were unable to adjust, they should be referred to the determination of the society; that each would, as he had opportunity, promote the interest of the other, in all honest ways within his power, without injury to himself; and that each member would give information in the meetings, of any infringement of the common rights of mankind which might come to his knowledge. 

Penalties were established for absence, provisions were made for regular monthly meetings, the elections, admissions, and order of debate, usual in similar associations. It is expressed, “that each particular member, reposing special trust and confidence in every other member of the society, looks upon himself bound, and does bind himself, by the ties of honor, virtue, truth, sincerity, and every appellation dear to him in this life, faithfully and truly to keep and perform its articles.”

Thirty-one persons were original subscribers, and 32 others were, from time to time, admitted, making the whole number of members during the two years of its existence 63.

The objects of the Society, as expressed in its constitution, were extensive. The associates, practically, limited their views to the circle of their own corporation and, instead of proceeding in the task of reforming the world, confined their exertions to secure the rights of that portion of mankind in their own neighborhood. 

They erected themselves into a supreme authority, not only assuming advisory superintendence of local concerns but claiming to direct in absolute terms. Sessions were held previous to the meetings of the inhabitants, and votes were passed and afterwards confirmed by the town. 

To show how important was their agency, it will be necessary to anticipate the regular progress of the narrative, to examine their records.

• The first debate, on February 4, 1774, was had on the impropriety of choosing any person to office who was not an open and professed friend to constitutional liberty. 
• On February 25, the business of the Society was to agree on a plan of proceedings for the March meeting. 
• In April, it was voted “that the chairman of the committee of correspondence be directed to send circular letters to the committees of correspondence in the several towns in the county, advising them that the votes for County Treasurer had not been counted by the Court of Sessions of the Peace, as had been usual, and of the danger consequent thereon, that the whole people of the county may be on their guard against fraud and deception.”
• A committee was appointed to prepare instructions for the representative to be chosen in May following.

Opposition to Peter Oliver

Among the boldest of its acts was its instruction to the Grand Jurors to refuse being sworn if Judge Oliver was present at the Superior Court in April. The act of Parliament for raising revenues, by taxation of the colonies, authorized appropriations from them for the salaries of the judges of the Superior Court, rendering the judicial officers dependants of the crown.

• AHC Note — This refers to Parliament’s plan to use tax revenue to pay government officials.

The Governor had refused his assent to legislative grants for their support, and the representatives remonstrated with spirit against the invasion of charter rights. After ineffectual negociations with Thomas Hutchinson, the inflexible assertor of royal prerogative, at the termination of the first session of 1773, it was resolved “that any of the judges, who, while they hold their offices during pleasure, shall accept support from the crown, independent of the grants of the General Court, will discover, that he is an enemy to the constitution, and has it in his heart to promote the establishment of arbitrary government.” 

In February 1774, four of the judges, Trowbridge, Hutchinson, Ropes, and Cushing, on the appeal being made by the Assembly, replied that they had received no part of the allowance from the King, which was deemed satisfactory.

Chief Justice Peter Oliver alone dared to brave popular sentiment and answered that he had accepted his Majesty’s bounty and could not refuse it in the future without Royal permission. The concentrated weight of indignation fell upon him. 

The House immediately voted that he had rendered himself obnoxious to the people as an enemy of the constitution. A petition was presented for his removal, and articles of impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanors were exhibited, which the Governor refused to countenance.

Such was the relation of Peter Oliver to the people when the term of the Superior Court for the county of Worcester drew near. The Political Society, as guardians of popular rights, took the subject into consideration. After much treasonable debate, as the expression of opinions which would have endangered life might be termed by those who could have claimed its forfeiture, the determination was expressed in the following vote, unanimously adopted, on April 4:

“This society will each one bear and pay their equal part of the fine and charges that may be laid on Messrs. Joshua Bigelow and Timothy Bigelow, for their refusal to be empanneled upon the Grand Jury at our next Superior Court of Assize, for the county of Worcester, if they shall be chosen into that office, and their refusal is founded upon the principle, that they cannot, consistently with good conscience and order, serve, if Peter Oliver, Esq., is present on the bench as chief justice, or judge of said court, before he is lawfully tried and acquitted from the high crimes and charges for which he now stands impeached by the honorable House of Representatives, and the major part of the grand jurors for the whole county join them in refusing to serve for the reasons aforesaid.”

So little apprehension was entertained of the concurrence of their fellows — or of the return of the two gentlemen named — that they were provided with a remonstrance for presentation to the court. 

The exact circumstances, modestly designated as contingent and conditional, were made certain by the influence and exertions of the society. Messrs. Joshua Bigelow and Timothy Bigelow were chosen, and the majority of the jurors did join with them at the opening of the court in offering this paper on April 19, 1774.

• AHC Note — The “remonstrance” given to the Bigelows follows.

“To the honorable, his majesty’s justices of the Superior Court of Judicature now sitting at Worcester, in and for said county.

We, the subscribers, being returned by our respective towns to serve as jurors of inquest for this court, beg leave humbly to inform your honors, that it is agreeable to the sense of those we represent, that we should not empannel, or be sworn into this important office, provided Peter Oliver, Esq., sits as chief justice of this court; and we would further add, that our own sentiments coincide perfectly with those of our constituents respecting this matter; so, to whatever inconvenence we expose ourselves, we are firmly resolved not to empannel, unless we are first assured that the above gentleman will not act as a judge in this court, for the following reasons:

1. Because the honorable House of Commons of this province, at their last session, among other things, resolved, that Peter Oliver, Esq., hath, by his conduct, rendered himself totally disqualified any longer to hold and act in the office of a justice of this court, and ought, forthwith, to be removed therefrom.

2. Because the House of Commons, in their said session, did impeach the said Peter Oliver, Esq., of high crimes and misdemeanors; the particulars of which impeachment, we apprehend, are known to your honors, which will excuse us from reciting them at large; to which impeachment the said Peter Oliver, Esq., hath not been yet brought to answer; and therefore, we apprehend, that the veniri bearing test, Peter Oliver, Esq., is illegal.

But, if we should be mistaken, nevertheless, we remonstrate and protest, against the said Peter Oliver, Esq., acting as judge on any of the bills we may find at this session, unless he is constitutionally acquitted of said impeachment: because, we apprehend it would be highly injurious, to subject a fellow countryman to trial at a bar, where one of the judges is not only disqualified as aforesaid, but, by his own confession, stands convicted, in the minds of the people, of a crime more heinous, in all probability, than any that might come before him. These, with other reasons that might be offered, we hope your honors will esteem sufficient to justify us for presenting the foregoing remonstrance.

• Joshua Bigelow
• Thomas Robinson
• Phinehas Heywood
• Nathan Walker
• Ephraim Doolittle
• John Fuller
• John Tyler
• Daniel Clapp
• Silas Bayley
• John Sherman
• William Henshaw
• Nathaniel Carriel
• Moses Livermore
• Timothy Bigelow
• William Campbell”

After consultation, this paper was received by the court and publicly read by the clerk. One of the judges then informed the jurors, that it was altogether improbable that the Chief Justice would attend to take his seat: and being assured that the sheriff had, as usual, been a number of miles out of town, in order to meet and escort him to his lodgings, and had returned without him, the jurors retired to determine what course to pursue.

It is said to have been resolved by the Society that they would rescue the jurors by force if they should be committed for contempt in presenting the chief justice to the court as a criminal. No written evidence of such purpose can be supposed to exist, and the removal of the difficulty, threatening interruption of the administration of justice, fortunately prevented more solemn testimony from being furnished.

At the Society’s monthly meeting in June, it was voted to sign a covenant, agreeing not to purchase any English goods until the port of Boston was opened and to discontinue intercourse with those declining to subscribe. A committee was appointed to prepare an instrument for this purpose, and obtain the signatures of the citizens, and to draft a similar agreement to be signed by the women.

• AHC Note — These actions were taken in response to the Boston Port Act, which closed the Port of Boston. It was one of the Intolerable Acts, which were enacted by Parliament to punish Boston and Massachusetts for the Boston Tea Party.

In August 1774, it was voted “that Nathan Perry be moderator of our next town meeting, if he should be chosen: in case he should refuse, then Josiah Pierce shall preside.”

• The selectmen were directed, forthwith, to examine the town’s stock of ammunition and ascertain its quality and quantity.
• A committee was chosen to present to the inhabitants an obligation to be completely armed and to enforce its execution.
• On September 5, a committee was commissioned “to inspect the Tories going to and coming from Lancaster, or any other way,” and it was subsequently entered of record that it was contrary to the mind of the society that the Tories should vote in town meeting.

On October 3, the instructions to be reported at the next town meeting for the representatives in the Provincial Congress and General Court were read, paragraph by paragraph, and accepted.

A respectable merchant of the town was summoned before the association to exhibit the certificate of an oath not to purchase English goods, made by Artemas Ward, Esq., afterwards General in the Continental Army. The form not being considered satisfactory, a new oath was required and taken.

• AHC Note — Artemas Ward made the certificate with the oath on it that people signed when they agreed not to buy English goods. The Patriots in Worcester felt it was inadequate, and made their own.

End of the American Political Society

We have traced the Society far enough in the detail of its acts to show the control it assumed and exercised over Committees of Correspondence, the grand jury, the town, its selectmen, and citizens.

Its career is interesting, as indicating the spring by whose impulse the complex machinery was moved, and as illustrative of the manner in which the government of opinion acted on the people, when the authority of the established officers tottered, the tribunals of justice were silent, and self-constituted magistracies took the guardianship of the general welfare, and the lead in the municipal republics.

It remains only to notice the dissolution of this remarkable body. Many of the members having been called into the military service of the country, much of its energy was lost. 

In 1776, it is stated that unhappy differences had arisen and divisions grown up in the town. It was voted to institute an enquiry into their origin and endeavor to suppress contention and reestablish harmony. 

Each member was desired to give intelligence of misbehavior and answer truly and fully to any question proposed by a committee, formed from both parties, to investigate the causes of the difficulty. It was resolved “that the society, in its corporate capacity, should pass no votes relative to the choice of town or public officers, or for the management of town meetings, until a report was made and acted on.”

The committee, composed of discordant materials, was unable to effect a compromise. 

The last meetings of the Society appear to have been passed in unavailing struggles to prolong its existence, in jealous rivalship of the Committees of Correspondence and Committee of Safety, who had wrested away its power, and in stormy discussion of the deviations from the original principles of its constitution. It lingered until the first Monday of June 1776, when, by mutual consent, it was suffered to expire after a life of two years and a half.

The struggle between the patriotism of the people and the loyalty of a minority, powerful in numbers, as well as in talents, wealth and influence, arrived to its crisis in this town early in 1774 and terminated in the total defeat of the adherents of the King.

Resolutions Against Taxation Without Representation

At the annual meeting on March 7, 1774, a committee was formed to take into consideration the acts of the British Parliament for raising revenue from the colonies, who soon presented the following report, matured by the Society, whose acts we have noticed, which was accepted. The members of this committee were William Young, Josiah Pierce, and Timothy Bigelow.

• AHC Note — Although the author covered the end of the American Political Society in the preceding section, he returns to it here with its grievances and resolutions against British policies that were agreed to in March 1774.

“We, the freeholders and inhabitants of Worcester, think it our duty, at this important time, when affairs of the greatest consequence to ourselves and posterity are hastening to a crisis, after due consideration, to offer our sentiments on the many grievous impositions, which are laid upon us: we would particularize some of the most intolerable ones, viz.

1. Courts of Admirality, wherein that most inestimable privilege, trial by jury, is destroyed: Boards of commissioners, with their numerous trains of dependents, which departments are generally filled with those who have proved themselves to be destitute of honor, honesty, or the common feelings of humanity; those who are known to be the greatest enemies of the people and constitution of this country, even those who have murdered its inhabitants. For a recent instance of their consummate insolence, and of their barbarously harassing the subject from port to port, at the expense of time and money, and unjustly detaining property, we would mention the case of Capt. Walker, commander of the Brigantine Brothers.

• AHC Note — The Admiralty Courts did not use juries. Americans believed the British Constitution guaranteed the right of trial by a jury of peers. Trial by Jury is an essential part of the United States Constitution. The Sugar Act (1764) expanded the authority of the Admiralty Courts in the American Colonies.

2. The Governor and Judges of the Superior Court, rendered independent of the people of the province, for whose good only they were appointed, for which service they ought to depend on those they serve for pay: and, we are constrained to say, that to have these who are to determine and judge on our lives [and] property paid by a foreign state, immediately destroys that natural dependence which ought to subsist between a people and their officers, and [is,] of course, destructive of liberty. For which reason, we are of opinion, that we [are] not in the least bound in duty submit to the ordering and determining of such officers as are not dependent on the grants of the people for their pay, and we have the satisfaction to hear that four of the supeiior judges, to their immortal honor, have refused the bribe offered them.

• AHC Note — The argument here is that judges who are paid by the Crown are invalid, and their rulings should be ignored.

But, as we have had an opportunity heretofore, jointly, to express our minds respecting our many grievances, we, principally, shall confine our observations to the East India company’s exporting teas to America, subject to a duty laid thereon by the British Parliament, to be paid by us, not so much as mentioned for the regulation of trade, but for the sole purpose of raising a revenue: in consequence of which, we take it upon us to say, that it is an addition to the many proofs, that the British ministry are determined, if possible, to enslave us: but, we rest assured, that however attached we may have been to that truly detestable herb, we can firmly resist the charm, and thereby convince our enemies in Great Britain and America, that however artful and alluring their snares, and gilded the bait, we have wisdom to foresee and virtue to resist.

• AHC Note — This section points out that the Tea Act (1773), which was enacted to benefit the East India Company, was nothing more than an “artful and alluring” way for Parliament to trick Americans into supporting Taxation Without Representation.

Therefore, resolved; that we will not buy, sell, use, or any way be concerned with India teas of any kind, dutied or undutied, imported from Great Britain, Holland, or elsewhere, until the unrighteous act imposing a duty thereon be repealed; the former on account of the aforesaid duty; the latter, because we still maintain such a regard for Great Britain as to be unwilling to promote the interests of a rival.

• AHC Note — The residents say they will not purchase British tea. However, they will not purchase tea from rival nations out of respect for Britain.

Resolved; that we will break off all commercial intercourse with those persons, if any there should be, in this or any other place, who should act counter to these, our resolutions, thus publicly made known: that the tea consignees, and all those that have been aiding or assisting in introducing the East India Company’s tea among us, have justly merited our indignation and contempt, and must be considered, and treated by us, as enemies and traitors to their country: that we contemptuously abhor and detest all those, whether in Great Britain or America, that are not content with their own honest industry, but contrary to known principles of justice and equity, attempt to take the property of others in any wise without their consent.

• AHC Note — The residents will not conduct business with the merchants hired by the East India Company to sell tea in the colonies. These merchants are considered “enemies and traitors to their country.”

Resolved; that we have an indisputable right, at this time, and at all times, boldly to assert our rights, and make known our grievances; being sensible that the freedom of speech and security of property always go together. None but the base tyrant and his wicked tools dread this liberty. Upright measures will always defend themselves. It is not only our indubitable right, but a requisite duty, in this legal and public manner, to make known our grievances. Amongst the many benefits that will naturally result therefrom, [will be] we hope, that important one of undeceiving our gracious sovereign, who from the wicked measures practiced against us, we have just reason to suppose, has been artfully deluded; in defence of whose sacred person, crown and dignity, together with our natural and constitutional rights, we are ready, at all times, boldly to risk our lives and fortunes.”

• AHC Note — The residents make it clear they have a right to “freedom of speech,” which goes along with “security of property.”

Twenty-six of the Royalists dissented from these resolutions, and their protest was entered of record, although rejected by the town.

Resolutions Against the Boston Port Act

Mr. Joshua Bigelow was chosen as the representative and given the following instructions on May 20, 1774.

“As English America is in a general alarm, in consequence of some late unconstitutional stretches of power, we are sensible this is the most difficult period that hath ever yet commenced since the first arrival of our ancestors into this then unexplored, uncultivated and inhospitable wilderness: and being fully sensible that the wisest head, uprightest heart, and the firmest resolution, are the necessary qualifications of the person fit and suitable to represent us in the Great and General Court of this Province the present year, [we] have honored you with our suffrages for that important office. Notwithstanding our confidence in your virtue and abilities, we think it necessary to prescribe some certain rules for your conduct.

And first: as there is a late act of the British Parliament, to be enforced in America, with troops and ships of war [on] the first [day] of June, in order to stop the port and harbor of Boston, thereby depriving us of the winds and seas, which God and nature gave in common to mankind, we are induced to believe that [the ministers] of Great Britain, through misinformation, are led to a prostitution of that power which has heretofore made Europe tremble, to abridge us, their brethren in this province, of our natural and civil rights, notwithstanding, exclusive of our natural rights, we had all the privileges and immunities of Englishmen confirmed to us by our royal charter. 

• AHC Note — The Boston Port Act was scheduled to go into effect on June 1, 1774. On that day, the Port of Boston was to be closed to all commerce.

And as we view this hostile maneuver of Great Britain as a blow aimed, through Boston, at the whole of American liberties, being emboldened through a consciousness of the justice of our cause, we, in the most solemn manner, direct you, that whatever measure Great Britain may take to distress us, you be not in the least intimidated, and thereby induced, that whatever requisitions, or ministerial mandate there may be, in order to subject us to any unconstitutional acts of the British Parliament, to comply therewith. 

But to the utmost of your power, resist the most distant approaches of slavery. But more particularly, should the people of this province, through their representatives, be required to compensate the East India Company for the loss of their tea, we hereby lay the strictest injunction on you not to comply therewith.

• AHC Note — Parliament intended to keep the Port of Boston closed until the East India Tea Company was reimbursed for the tea destroyed during the Boston Tea Party. Worcester instructed Bigelow to vote against any plan to pay for the tea.

As the destruction of the tea was not a public act, we cannot see the justice of a public demand. As the civil law is open to punish the offenders, we rather think, instead of an equitable compensation, it would be the means of encouraging riots and robberies, and, of consequence, render the courts of justice of no use.

We also earnestly require that a strict union of the colonies be one of the first objects in your view, and that you carefully and immediately pursue every legal measure that may tend thereto; viz. that committees of corespondence be kept up between the several houses of assembly through the colonies; and that you by no means fail to use your utmost endeavors, that there be a general Congress formed of deputies from the same: that so we may unite in some safe and sure plan, to secure and defend the American liberties, at this important crisis of affairs.

• AHC Note — Bigelow is instructed to do everything he can to help create a “strict union of the colonies” and a “general Congress.” Both objectives were met with the establishment of the First Continental Congress, which held its first meeting on September 5, 1774.

Also we direct you, as soon as may be, to endeavor that Peter Oliver, Esq. be brought to answer to the impeachment against him, preferred by the representatives of this province, in the name of the whole people.

There are a number of other matters respecting the internal policy of this province, that, in our opinion, at this season, require the attention of the legislator: but, at a time like this, when Britain in return for the blood we have, on every needful occasion, so freely shed in her cause, has reduced thousands, through a wanton exercise of power, in our metropolis, to the most [distressing] circumstances, which, at first view, is sufficient to excite in the human breast every tender and compassionate feeling, [this] is enough to engross your whole attention.

• AHC Note — Here, the town points out that the colonists have “freely shed” blood every time Britain has asked for support in the French and Indian Wars and other conflicts with foreign nations in North America.

Should other matters come under your consideration in the course of the present year, relative to the common and ordinary exigencies of government, we make not the least doubt, you will, on your part, make the peace and prosperity of the whole province your ultimate aim and end, and by that means honor yourself and us, your constituents, in the choice we have made.”

Loyalists Objections

Language so strong and decided could not but be offensive to the Royalists. The acceptance was strenuously opposed, Col. James Putnam, the distinguished counsellor, exerting the whole force of his eloquence to prevent the cooperation of the town in acts of rebellion, but without success. 

Thus defeated, measures were taken to procure the reconsideration of the votes. A petition, signed by 43 freeholders, was presented to the selectmen, requesting them to issue their warrant for a meeting, in the expectation, by concentrating the whole strength of the opposition, that the early efforts of freedom could be crushed.

A meeting called in conformity with the prayer of the petition, which is recited at length in the warrant of the selectmen, and was held on June 20. After a long and violent debate, the Whigs prevailed, and it was voted not to act, in any manner, on any of the matters contained in the petition. 

Nothing remained to the defeated party but the right to protest. A spirited and most loyal paper was offered and refused. The Town Clerk, influenced more by feeling than prudence, entered a copy on the records, afterwards sent to Boston for publication. 

This production is one of the boldest and most indignant remonstrances of the friends of Royal government among the productions of the time. It was printed in the Boston Gazette on July 4, 1774. The entry on the record was afterwards entirely obliterated.

“At a meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Worcester, held there on the 20th day of June, A.D. 1774, pursuant to an application made to the selectmen by 43 voters and freeholders of the same town, dated the 20th day of May last, therein, among other things, declaring their just apprehensions of the fatal consequences that may follow the many riotous and seditious actions that have of late times been done and perpetrated in divers places within this province: the votes and proceedings of which meeting are by us deemed irregular and arbitrary:

• AHC Note — The Loyalists make it clear they believe the actions of the Patriots in Worcester and Massachusetts are “riotous and seditious.”

Wherefore we, some of us who were petitioners for the said meeting, and others inhabitants of the town, hereunto subscribing, thinking it our indispensable duty, in these times of discord and confusion in too many of the towns within this province, to bear testimony in the most open and unreserved manner against all riotous, disorderly and seditious practices, must therefore now declare, that it is with the deepest concern for public peace and order that we behold so many, whom we used to esteem sober, peaceable men, so far deceived, deluded and led astray by the artful, crafty and insidious practices of some evil-minded and ill-disposed persons, who, under the disguise of patriotism, and falsely styling themselves the friends of liberty, some of them neglecting their own proper business and occupation, in which they ought to be employed for the support of their families, spending their time in discoursing of matters they do not understand, raising and propagating falsehoods and calumnies of those men they look up to with envy, and on whose fall and ruin they wish to rise, intend to reduce all things to a state of tumult, discord and confusion:

• AHC Note — The Loyalists argue that “sober, peaceable men” have been “deceived, deluded and led astray” by “evil-minded and ill-disposed persons” pretending to be “friends of liberty.” They argue that the people causing trouble are neglecting their businesses, jobs, and families and are wasting their time discussing matters “they do not understand.”

And in pursuance of those evil purposes and practices, they have imposed on the understanding of some, corrupted the principles of others, and distracted the minds of many, who, under the influence of this delusion, have been tempted to act a part that may prove, and that has already proved, extremely prejudicial to the province, and as it may be, fatal to themselves; bringing into real danger, and in many instances destroying, that liberty and property we all hold sacred, and which they vainly and impiously boast of defending at the expense of their blood and treasure:

And, as it appears to us, that many of this town seem to be led aside by strange opinions, and are prevented coming to such prudent votes and resolutions as might be for the general good and the advantage of this town in particular, agreeably to the request of the petitioners for this meeting:

And as the town has refused to dismiss the persons styling themselves the committee of correspondence for the town, and has also refused so much as to call on them to render an account of their past dark and pernicious proceedings:

We therefore, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do each of us declare and protest, it is our firm opinion, that the committees of correspondence in the several towns of this province, being creatures of modern invention, and constituted as they be, are a legal grievance, having no legal foundation, contrived by a junto to serve particular designs and purposes of their own, and that they, as they have been and are now managed in this town, are a nuisance: And we fear, it is in a great measure owing to the baneful influence of such committees, that the teas of immense value, lately belonging to the East India company, were, not long since, scandalously destroyed in Boston, and that many other enormous acts of violence and oppression have been perpetrated, whereby the lives of many honest, worthy persons, have been endangered, and their property destroyed.

• AHC Note — The Loyalists believe the Committees of Correspondence are “creatures of modern invention” and the members are working to benefit their own “designs and purposes.”

It is by these committees also, that papers have been lately published and are now circulating through the province, inviting, and wickedly tempting, all persons to join them, fully implying, if not expressly denouncing the destruction of all that refuse to subscribe those unlawful combinations, tending directly to sedition, civil war, and rebellion.

These, and all such enormities, we detest and abhor: and the authors of them we esteem enemies to our king and country, violators of all law and civil liberty, the malevolent disturbers of the peace of society, subverters of the established constitution, and enemies of mankind.”

• Author Note — The whole number of voters of the town at the time could not have exceeded 250. The total number of inhabitants who subscribed to the Loyaliast protest was 52.

Patriots Respond

The first intimation received by the Whigs of the existence of sentiments so loyal, on the same pages with the narrative of their own patriotic declarations, was derived from the publication. Immediately after its appearance, a petition was presented to the selectmen, describing the protest as a false and scandalous attack on the inhabitants, the committee, and their doings, charging the town clerk with a violation of his trust and requesting them to convene a meeting to consider the subject. 

The town assembled on August 22 and referred the matter to a committee to report at the next meeting on the 24th. The members of the committee were Joshua Bigslow, Jonas Hubbard, David Bancroft, Samuel Curtis, Jonathan Stone, Benjamin Flagg, and Josiah Pierce.

Before that time, many of the protesters, shrinking from the violence of the storm they had roused and under the compulsion of force, sought safety by submission and signed penitential confessions of error.

• AHC Note — Some Loyalists backtracked after receiving threats from Patriots in Worcester.

When the people reassembled, the following counter-statement and the accompanying resolutions were adopted.

“Whereas, the publication in the Massachusetts Gazette of June 30, was made, as a protest of the signers of it against the proceedings of the town of Worcester, and contains in it a number of groundless reflections and aspersions against the inhabitants of the town, viz:

it seems to be implied in the direction to the printer, published at the front of the protest, that the signers were the only persons in the town who were friends to truth, peace and order, and that they only were the persons, that had any just apprehensions of the ill consequences arising by mobs, riots, &c., and that all the rest of the inhabitants acted irregularly and arbitrarily; 

notwithstanding the matters [voted] in said meeting were fairly considered: and that they were so destitute of understanding as to be led astray, by evil minded persons, who were endeavoring to reduce all things to a state of disorder and confusion; thereby making themselves the sole judges of what is rule and order, and what is not: and proceed to stigmatize the inhabitants as holding to such bad opinions, as to prevent the town’s acting prudently and for the general good. 

• AHC Note — The Patriots argue that the resolutions adopted were approved by the majority of voters in attendance at the meetings.

It is also implied in the publication, that this town allows a number of persons in it, to assume the character of a committee of correspondence for the town, and to act darkly and perniciously with impunity, contrary to rule and good order, and in violation of the truth; after, with unparalleled arrogance, representing themselves as the only friends to it, [they] assert that the town has refused to dismiss the persons styling themselves a committee of correspondence for the town, when, setting aside the inconsistency of the town’s dismissing persons who had arrogated the character of a committee, and consequently [were in fact] not chosen by the town, they well knew that the town had not been requested, either to dismiss persons styling themselves a committee, or those gentlemen so denominated by the town: neither was there an article in the warrant for calling said meeting, to dismiss any persons whatever from office, nor so much as proposed in the meeting.

• AHC Note — The Patriots dispute the accusation that the members of the Committee of Correspondence are in “violation of the truth.”

There is also a malignity cast upon committees of correspondence in general through the continent, and in particular against the committee chosen by this town, without any reason assigned for the same but the opinion of the protesters, too slender a foundation to asperse the character of town officers upon, and [they] have endeavored to insinuate into the minds of the public, that the men of which committees of correspondence are composed through the province, are a parcel of unprincipled knaves, who are endeavoring to destroy the lives and property of the peaceable and well-disposed, and also alleging that it is by these committees that papers have been lately published, and [that they have] wickedly tempted all persons to sign them, which they call an unlawful combination, tending directly to civil war and rebellion. 

This town knows of no such paper: if it be the non-consumption agreement, entered and entering into through this and the neighboring provinces, that is pointed at, we take it upon us to say, that we much approve of the same, that if strictly adhered to it will save our money, promote industry, frugality, and our own manufactures, and tend directly to prevent civil war and rebellion.

After offering their opinions of mobs, riots, tumults and disorder, and the proceedings of the town, so cruelly and with such temerity, as shows them to be destitute of that humanity and christian charity which we in all duty owe one to the other, they brand all that do not join with them, with the characters of enemies of the king and country, violators of all law and civil liberty, the malevolent disturbers of society, subverters of the established constitution, and enemies to mankind. And as it appears by the said publication, that the same is recorded in the town book, notwithstanding the many aspersions it contains against the people of this town, and without the liberty or knowledge of the town; therefore,

Voted, that the town clerk do, in presence of the town, obliterate, erase, or otherwise deface the said recorded protest, and the names thereto subscribed, so that it may become utterly illegible and unintelligible.

• AHC Note — The Patriots accuse Clark Chandler, the Town Clerk, a known Loyalist, of being the source of the rumors.

Voted, that the method taken by the leaders, in protesting, and procuring a very considerable number to sign the protest who are not voters in the town, we think was a piece of low cunning, to deceive the public, and make their party appear more numerous and formidable than it was in reality.

Voted, that the signers of said protest, on some of whom the town hag conferred many favors, and consequently might expect their kindest and best services, be deemed unworthy of holding any town office or honor, until they have made satisfaction for their offence to the acceptance of the town, which ought to be made as public as the protest was.

Voted, that as it is highly needful that those of the signers who have not made satisfaction as aforesaid, should be known in future: it is therefore necessary that their names should be inserted as follows, viz.

• James Putnam
• William Paine
• Isaac Moore
• John Walker
• Joshua Johnson

Voted, that the following admonition be given to the town clerk:

Mr. Clark Chandler: Whereas, this town, at their annual meeting in March last, as well as for several years before, honored you by choosing you for their clerk, relying on your fidelity, that you would act for the honor of the town, and find themselves much disappointed, by your conduct in recording on the town book the scandalous protest of William Elder and others, filled with falsehood and reflections against the town, we have just reason to fear you was actuated in the matter by unjustifiable motives, and, at this time, exhort you to be more circumspect in the execution of [the duties of] your office, and never give this town the like trouble, of calling a town meeting again on euch an occasion. The town wish to see your behavior such as may restore you to their former good opinion of you.

Whereas, the committee of correspondence for this town willingly laid all their proceedings before the town, when requested, and it thereby appears, notwithstanding the ungenerous abuse heaped on them by the protesters, that they have acted with care, diligence and caution, therefore, voted, that the thanks of this town be given to the committee for their circumspection, and that they be directed to go on, with their [former] vigilance, in corresponding with the other committees of the several towns in this province.”

These resolves were directed to be entered on record and forwarded for publication in the Massachusetts Gazette and Massachusetts Spy. They did not appear in the latter until December 8. From an acknowledgment in the paper of September 13, it appears that the recantation of 43 of the protesters had been received by the publisher, the late Isaiah Thomas, but was not inserted for want of room, nor was it afterwards placed in his columns.

In pursuance of this vote, the clerk, in an open town meeting and in the presence of the inhabitants, blotted out the obnoxious record, and the work of the pen in defacing its own traces not being satisfactory, his fingers were dipped in ink and drawn over the protest. The pages still remain in the town book, so utterly illegible as to bear full testimony of the fidelity of the recording officer in the execution of the singular and unwelcome duty of expunging, thus imposed upon him.

• AHC Note — Clark Chandler was forced to blot out the Loyalist protest that was entered into the town record.

Support for Boston

The selectmen were appointed as a committee to receive any articles of provisions the inhabitants should contribute for the poor of the town of Boston. A committee was selected on August 22 to offer the following covenant, for subscription, to the inhabitants of the town. The members of the committee were Jonathan Stone, David Bancroft, Josiah Pierce, Jonathan Rice, and David Chadwick.

“As the distresses of the people loudly call on [all] inhabitants of this province, to use their utmost efforts to free themselves from that bondage intended for them by the late acts of the British Parliament, and, as we apprehend, nothing will better conduce to such purpose than the following agreement:

we, whose names are hereunto subscribed, promise, we will not ourselves, or any for or under us, directly or indirectly, buy or cause to be bought, and as far as we are able by advice and command, will prevent our children or servants from buying any article, except drugs and medicines, that may be imported into this, or any other province or colony on this continent, that was manufactured, or came from Great Britain or Ireland, or that may come from thence to the West Indies, or any where else, that may be imported into this, or any other colony or province on the continent, from and after the first day of September next, nor buy any article made or brought as aforesaid of any person whatsoever, who shall not be furnished with an oath, in writing, taken before a magistrate in the town where they dwell, or that next adjoining, that the articles shewn were bona fide imported before the said first day of September; and we, in the same manner as aforesaid, for ourselves, our children and servants, promise we will not buy of any chapman or pedler any articles whatever.

• AHC Note — The signers agree they will not buy British products after September 1, 1774.

These promises and agreements we religiously promise to observe, in a sacred manner, until the port of Boston shall be opened as usual, the troops withdrawn, the castle restored, all revenue acts annulled, all pensions to governors, judges, &c., cease, and in one word, until the liberties of this people are restored, and so secured that every one may have legal security for the safety of his person and property, and again feel, and be, in the full enjoyment of those blessings which are are entitled to as men, and those rights and privileges which the charter of this province gives us right to expect, demand and strive for. And to determine when this is done, the majority of the signers then alive shall determine and be the judges.”

• AHC Note — The signers agree they will continue to boycott British goods until the Intolerable Acts are repealed and their “rights and privileges” are restored.

This paper was not only subscribed, but a solemn oath for its performance was taken in the following form.

“In the presence of the Great God, that Being who liveth forever and ever, who knoweth the secrets of all hearts, we acknowledge that the agreement here subscribed is our free act, and solemnly swear that we will, by His grace assisting us, strictly perform the same, in its true and literal meaning, with out any equivocation or mental reservation. So help us God.”

Solemn League and Covenant

On October 25, a Committee of Inspection was elected to examine, from time to time, the merchants and traders of the town and prevent their offering for sale any goods imported or purchased contrary to the spirit and intent of the Solemn League and Covenant, as it was styled. The members of the committee were John Kelso, Nathan Baldwin, and Ebenezer Lovell.

• AHC Note — The Solemn League and Covenant was an agreement designed by Patriot leaders in Boston in response to the Boston Port Act. It was intended to stop all trade between the towns in Massachusetts and merchants in Great Britain and was a precursor to the Continental Association. Some towns, including Worcester, made modifications to the Covenant.

Intolerable Acts

The system of coercive measures, adopted as vindictive expedients for the punishment of past misdemeanors and the suppression of future opposition, had roused the free spirit of the country into intense action. The practical operation of the celebrated bills, following each other in rapid succession, for the imposition of duties, closing the port of Boston, altering the charter, creating officers of the crown independent of the people, transporting persons accused for trial, prohibiting town meetings (*), and vesting the government of the province in the dependents of the King, aggravated the irritation and urged to acts of personal violence. The weight of public indignation fell on those appointed to offices under the new acts, and they were soon compelled to lay aside their obnoxious honors.

• Author Note (*) — The provision was in the Regulating Bill, that no town meetings should be held without permission in writing from the Governor or Lieutenant Governor, after August 1, 1774, except the annual meeting in March, for the election of municipal officers, and that in May, for the choice of representatives.
• AHC Note — The “Regulating Bill” was the Masschusetts Government Act, which altered the structure of the government. Patriots believed this violated the Massachusetts Charter.

Mandamus Councillors

Timothy Paine, Esq., had received a commission as one of the Mandamus Councillors. High as was the personal regard and respect for the purity of private character of this gentleman, it was controlled by the political feeling of a period of excitement, and measures were taken to compel his resignation of a post, which was unwelcome to himself, but which he dared not refuse, when declining would have been construed as contempt of the authority of the Eing by whom it was conferred. 

• AHC Note — The Mandamus Councillors were 36 men appointed to replace the Governor’s Council in the Province of Massachusetts as part of the Massachusetts Government Act and the Intolerable Acts.

The Committee of Correspondence summoned the friends of liberty in the neighboring towns to appear at Worcester on August 22, 1774. Companies, headed by their officers, marched into the town in military order — but without arms — and formed in lines on the common before 7 o’clock of the morning. 

When reinforced by our inhabitants, the number exceeded 3,000 men. A committee of two or three persons from each company was delegated to wait on Paine and demand his resignation as counsellor. 

The representatives proceeded to his residence and easily effected their object. A declaration was prepared and subscribed by him, expressing his sense of obligation to his fellow citizens, reluctance to oppose their wishes, regret for having been qualified for the new office, and a solemn promise that he would never exercise its powers. 

The committee returned to their constituents, who had moved from the common and extended their lines through Main street, from the court house to the meeting house. The acknowledgment was considered satisfactory, but the confirmation was required in the presence of the whole body. A sub-committee was commissioned to invite Paine’s attendance. Requests from such a source were not to be declined, and he accompanied the gentlemen who delivered the message.

The signers of the protest had been informed by the Committee of Correspondence that an apology for their opposition would be required from them. Forty-three of them had met the evening previous to this visitation at the King’s Arms Tavern, and having subscribed an acknowledgment of error and repentance, and received an instrument purporting to restore them to favor, and ensuring protection, they had mixed in the crowd, unsuspicious of any act of insult. 

Those who appeared were collected by the revolutionary magistrates and, on the arrival of  Paine, were escorted through the ranks, halting at every few paces to listen to the reading of their several confessions of political transgression. Having thus passed in review and suffered some wanton outrage of feeling, in addition to the humiliation of the procession, they were dismissed. The objects of assembling being accomplished, the majority of the convention disbanded and retired to their homes.

John Murray of Rutland

A party of about 500, with the Worcester Committee of Correspondence, repaired to Rutland to ask the resignation of Colonel John Murray, another of the new council. Before their arrival, they were joined by nearly 1,000 men from the western towns. 

A committee visited his house and, being informed of his absence from home, reported the fact. This was voted unsatisfactory, and a most strict search was instituted. After convincing themselves of the truth of the representation made by the family, they addressed a letter to Colonel Murray, informing him that unless he published the resignation of his office in the Boston newspapers before September 10, they would wait on him again.

Loyalists Take Refuge

Some of the Royalists of Worcester, alarmed at these proceedings, and fearful of danger to themselves, when those who had been most respected were treated with indignity, retired to Stone House hill, within the boundary of Holden, with their arms, and made some additions to the natural defenses of the situation they selected, which afterwards received the appellation of the Tory Fort. They carried such provisions as could conveniently be collected to this retreat and derived some supplies from friends, expecting safety from concealment rather than from capacity to resist storm or seige. They remained two or three weeks in their rocky fortress; when their apprehensions had subsided, they returned.

Massachusetts Powder Alarm

A band of the King’s troops having made an excursion by night up the Mystic River, and carried off a quantity of gunpowder deposited in the arsenal in the northwest part of Charlestown, the intelligence spread rapidly through the country, and was magnified as it went, into a report, that the soldiers on Boston Neck had slain the inhabitants, and that the fleet and army were firing on Boston. 

• AHC Note — The Massachusetts Powder Alarm occurred on September 1, 1774. The incident set a series of events in motion that led directly to the Battles of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775, the first day of the American Revolutionary War.

The effect was electric. The bells rang out from the spires, beacon fires flamed from the hills, alarm guns echoed through the villages, and the people rose spontaneously on the summons. 

It is stated in the prints of the day, that before the next sun went down, 6,000 men from the county of Worcester were on their way to fight or fall with their countrymen, if need were; and the venerable Dr. Ezra Stiles records in his diary, that the succeeding morning would have shone on an array of 30,000 men, concentrated at the point of supposed danger, had not their movements been countermanded. 

The alarm reached Worcester in the afternoon. The Committee of Correspondence immediately despatched messengers with warrants to the military to assemble. The early part of the night was spent in changing pewter platters and leaden window frames into musket bullets and in preparation for immediate engagement. As soon as these arrangements could be completed, a large company marched and reached Shrewsbury before the return of messengers from Boston assured them their further advance was unnecessary.

It has been supposed the occasion had been seized to try the temper of the people and ascertain the extent and strength of the resolution of resistance. The highways, thronged with citizens bearing such weapons as the enthusiasm of the hour supplied, are described as presenting scenes the counterparts to the display of the military establishment of the Dutch dynasty of New York, so ingeniously delineated by its faithful annalist. “There came men without officers and officers without men, long fowling pieces and short blunderbusses, muskets of all sorts and sizes, some without locks, others without stocks, and many without lock, stock, or barrel; cartridge boxes, shot belts, powder horns, swords, hatchets, snickersees, crow bars, and broom sticks, all mingled together.”

Yet such was the spirit animating the community that men who had never seen the tents of the enemy left the plough in the furrow and the sickle in the harvest and went out, without discipline, equipment or munitions, to encounter the trained veterans of foreign lands. 

Ample evidence was afforded of stern determination to meet even the terrible appeal to war, and a pledge was given of the support every town might hope from its neighbors in extremity.

Militia and Minutemen Companies

One beneficial result from this excitement was the admonition of the necessity of better preparation for the result, which it was now apparent was hastening. 

On July 4, the Political Society had subscribed to purchase two pounds of gunpowder for each of its members and, in August, voted a covenant for the signature of each citizen to bind him to provide arms and ammunition. 

The company of minute men were enrolled, under the command of Captain Timothy Bigelow, and met, each evening, after the labors of the day were past, for drill and martial exercise. Muskets were procured for their armament from Boston. Four cannons were purchased by the town, secretly conveyed out of the metropolis (*), and mounted at an expense of £38. A train of artillery was organized under Captain Edward Crafts.

• Author Note (*) — £12s. l0d. were voted to Mr. Jonathan Rice, for his trouble and expenses in getting these cannons out of Boston; £2 to Jonathan Stone for similar services: to Edward Knight, £1 63. 8d; and to William Dana and Samuel Whitney, £1 13s. 4d. each, for transportation from Brookline.

The Worcester Revolt

The purity of the administration of justice having been corrupted by the act of Parliament, it was resolved that its tribunals should be suspended. A body of about 6,000 men assembled on the invitation of the Committee of Correspondence on September 6 and blocked up the passage to the Court House. 

The Justices of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas were compelled to make a declaration in writing that they would not attempt to exercise their authority or appear officially in opposition to the will of the people. 

The Court, thus interrupted, never resumed the exercise of its functions. A term was commenced but immediately adjourned without transacting business. No trials were had or judgments rendered until July 1776, when the courts were again opened under the new government.

Worcester County Convention

A convention of all the Committees of Correspondence was held in Worcester on September 21, 1774. This assembly assumed legislative powers, and in the interregnum of Royal prerogative and constitutional authority, its orders were obeyed as laws.

The first object that engaged the attention of this county congress in considering the situation of public affairs and devising measures for the common safety was the organization of the militia. 

It was voted and recommended that all subordinate officers surrender up the commissions given by the Royal Governors, to their Colonels, and those of higher rank publish their resignations in the newspapers. 

A new arrangement of the military force was directed to be made, by division into regiments: the first, to include Worcester, Leicester, Holden, Spencer and Paxton; the primary elections of company officers to be made by the soldiers: and those who should be chosen in this manner, to meet and designate the regimental staff. 

One-third of the men, able to do duty, between the ages of 18 and 60, were to be enrolled, formed into companies, and be ready to march at a minute’s warning, and committees were to be elected to supply their wants should they be called to service.

A standing Committee of Correspondence of the convention was formed by the union of the committees of Worcester and Leicester, and the addition of Thomas Denny, Joseph Henshaw, and Joshua Bigelow, and authorized to call meetings, communicate with towns in the county, and persons abroad, and present subjects for consideration.

Civil officers holding commissions in June were directed to continue in the discharge of their duties, excepting Timothy Ruggles, John Murray, and James Putnam.

• AHC Note — Ruggles, Murray, and Putnam were Loyalists.

It was voted “as the opinion of this body, that the sheriff do adjourn the Superior Court to be held this day, and that he retain such as are or may be committed as criminals in his custody, until they have a trial.

Resolved: That as the ordinary courts of justice will be stayed, in consequence of the late arbitrary and oppressive acts of the British Parliament, we would earnestly recommend to every inhabitant of this county, to pay his just debts as soon as possible, without dispute or litigation; and if any disputes concerning debts or trespasses should arise, which cannot be settled by the parties, we recommend it to them, to submit all such causes to arbitration; and if the parties, or either of them, shall refuse to do so, they ought to be considered as cooperating with the enemies of the country.”

It was recommended to the several towns, to instruct their representatives, to refuse to be sworn by any officers except such as were constitutionally appointed: to decline acting with any others not conforming to the charter: and not to attend at Boston, while garrisoned with troops and invested by fleets: but should any thing prevent their acting with a governor and council appointed according to the charter, to repair to the town of Concord, and there join in a Provincial Congress.

The towns were requested to provide and mount field pieces, obtain proper ammunition, and put themselves in a posture of defense. Sheriff Chandler (*) had presented an address from the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas, at its June session, congratulating General Thomas Gage on his appointment as first magistrate of the province, lamenting the disturbed condition of the times, bearing testimony against all riots, combinations, and unwarrantable resolves; denouncing the circulation of inflammatory papers by order of certain persons, calling themselves a Committee of Correspondence for the town of Worcester, which they represent as stimulating the people to break off all connections with Great Britain, and having a tendency to alienate the affections of the people from the mother country, and to create discord and confusion; concluding with the assurance of their exertions to discountenance such proceedings, to support the execution of the laws, and render the administration successful and prosperous.

• Author Note (*) — The Court appointed Hon. Timothy Ruggles, John Chandler, Esq., James Putnam, Abel Willard, and Gardner Chandler, Esq’rs. to wait upon His Excellency Gen. Gage, and present this Address. It was delivered however, by the Sheriff.

The convention voted “to take notice of Mr. Sheriff Chandler, for carrying an address to Gov. Gage,” and appointed a committee to wait on him and require his attendance. That gentleman presented himself before this remarkable body, whose jurisdiction seemed supreme, and with some hesitation subscribed the following declaration.

“Whereas, the convention of committees have expressed their uneasiness to the sheriff of this county, now present before them, for presenting, with others, an address to Gov. Gage, he frankly declares it was precipitately done by him: that he is sorry for it, and disclaims an intention to do anything against the minds of the inhabitants of this county; and had he known it would have given offence, he would not have presented that address. — Gardner Chandler.”

A copy of the resolves of the convention, certified by the clerk, Col. William Henshaw, was published in the Massachusetts Spy on September 15:

“We have received from Worcester, the recantation of John Chandler, Esq., and forty two others of the protesters against the proceedings of that town, which gave such just cause of offence to the public; as also the acknowledgment of six justices of that county, for having aspersed the people in an address to Gen. Gage. Want of room prevents their being inserted in this paper.”

• Author Note — These recantations were extorted by a force too powerful to admit of refusal. Resistance would have been martyrdom. Some of the confessions, published in the prints of the day, are expressed with ludicrous energy. For example: ‘Whereas, I, the subscriber, signed an address to the late Gov. Hutchinson, I wish the Devil had had said address before I had seen it.’ Marblehead, Oct. 2-1, 1774 — John Prentice”

Resolutions adopted at an earlier session were copied into the London Journals as evidence of the feelings of the people. The editor subjoined the significant inquiries, “…doth this look like submission? doth it carry the faco of acquiescence?”

The Royalist party had long before been prostrated in this town. Most of the protesters had been induced to submit. Some who refused were waylaid and cruelly beaten. A few remained obstinate and finally retired into exile. Others, unable to separate themselves from their friends and country and to sacrifice all they held dear, were persecuted into compliance with the public will and at length purchased safety for person and property by soliciting forgiveness in terms more humiliating in proportion to the time it was deferred. The records of the town afford a specimen, October 5, 1774, of the self-abasement of these tardy “recantations.”

“To the inhabitants of the town of Worcester: Gentlemen: Whereas, I, the subscriber, with a number of others, signed a protest, against the proceedings of the town, and the same was published in the Boston Gazette of June last, wherein the inhabitants were unjustly reflected upon in general, and also the whole body of committees of correspondence throughout this whole province, for which I am heartily sorry, and ask the forgiveness of all the inhabitants of the town, and the justly offended public, and also for any other offence that I may have given by any means, whether in word or action. I heartily request your acceptance of this sincere acknowledgment, and that if either of the inhabitants hath any other charge against me, for any particular of my conduct, that he would make it known, that I may have an opportunity of giving christian satisfaction, which I ever shall stand ready to afford. Witness my hand. — William Campbell.”

The Worcester Declaration of Independence

Joshua Bigelow was elected on October 4, representative to the General Court, to be held in Salem, and Timothy Bigelow delegate to the Provincial Congress, to assemble at Concord. 

Joshua Bigelow was directed, not to recede from the most rigid virtue in recovering and defending the rights and liberties of the people; to refuse to be sworn by any officer not appointed according to the charter, or to act with any branch of the legislature not constituted and supported in conformity with its provisions: to decline attending in Boston, while it should be invested with armies and fleets; and if prevented from acting with a constitutional Governor and Council, to repair to Concord, and join the Provincial Congress. 

Timothy Bigelow was told that he should endeavor, in the most peaceable manner, to obtain redress of grievances; to procure the opening of the port of Boston; restoration of free trade; removal of the King’s troops; resignation of the command of the fortress at the south end of Boston; prohibition from erecting entrenchments by the royal forces; restitution of the military stores forcibly taken from the arsenals and magazines; the resignation of the Mandamus Counsellors, or their impeachment as traitors: the mission of an agent to Canada to treat with its inhabitants, and express grateful recognition of friendly donations; and the appointment of a commander-in-chief for the whole militia. Strict observance of the advice of the Continental Congress was enjoined.

Further, it was said, “If all infractions of our rights, by acts of the British Parliament, be not redressed, and we restored to the full enjoyment of all our privileges, contained in the charter of this province, granted by their late majesties, King William and Queen Mary, to a punctilio, before the day of your meeting, then, and in that case, you are to consider the people of this province as absolved, on their part, from the obligation therein contained, and to all intents and purposes reduced to a state of nature; and you are to exert yourself in devising ways and means to raise from the dissolution of the old constitution, as from the ashes of the Phoenix a new form, wherein all officers shall be dependent on the suffrages of the people for their existence as such, whatever unfavorable constructions our enemies may put upon such procedure. The exigency of our public affairs leaves us no other alternative from a state of anarchy or slavery.”

• Author Note — A more explicit declaration of independence can scarcely be found in the splendid document, which in 1776, in more glowing words, proclaimed the dissolution of all ties of colonial relation.

Governor Thomas Gage, alarmed by the spirit of the instructions, and the stormy aspect of the times, issued his proclamation on September 28, 1774, declaring, that it was expedient, the session of the General Court summoned for October 5, should not then be held; discharging the members from attendance at that time; and announcing his intention not to meet the assembly. 

The current of popular feeling was not thus to be diverted. The representatives elect convened at Salem, resolved themselves into a provincial Congress, elected John Hancock, President, and Benjamin Lincoln, Secretary, and immediately adjourned to Concord.

• AHC Note — The author asserts that Gage canceled the October 5 meeting of the General Assembly due to the Worcester Declaration of Independence.

The Committee of Worcester county waited on Gage on October 20, and presented a well-written remonstrance against the oppressive acts of the ministry, to which, they say, “this people are determined, by the Divine favor, never to submit, but with their lives.” The military Governor returned a very brief and unsatisfactory answer.

The Blacksmith’s Convention

The patriotic resistance of invasions of liberty was not confined to municipal corporations or general assemblies of citizens. The fervid enthusiasm, pervading the whole fabric of society, manifested itself in varied forms. Meetings of artisans and craftsmen, as distinct bodies, were held, and spirited resolutions were adopted. One specimen, selected from many, will afford an example of their proceedings.

A convention of the Blacksmiths of the County was held at Worcester, starting on September 8 and continued, by adjournment, to November 8, 1774. Ross Wyman, of Shrewsbury, presided, and Timothy Bigelow, of Worcester, was the clerk. The result of their session, subscribed by 43 members, was widely distributed in handbills. It was as follows:

“Whereas, at a meeting of the delegates from the counties of Worcester, Middlesex and Essex, with the committee of correspondence of the town of Boston, in behalf of the county of Suffolk, holden at Boston, the 26th day of August, 1774, it was resolved: 

That all such officers or private persons as have given sufficient proof of their enmity to the people and constitution of this country, should be held in contempt, and that those who are connected with them ought to separate from them; laborers to shun their vineyards, merchants, husbandmen and others to withhold their commerce and supplies:

In compliance, therefore, to a resolution of so respectable a body as aforesaid, so reasonable in its contents, and so necessary at this distressing day of trial, we, the subscribers, being deeply impressed with a sense of our duty to our country, paternal affection for our children and unborn millions, as also for our personal rights and liberties, solemnly covenant, agree and engage, to and with each other, that from and after the first day of December, 1774, we will not, according to the best of our knowledge, any or either of us, nor any person by our direction, order, or approbation, for or under any or either of us, do or perform any Blacksmith’s work, or business of any kind whatever, for any person or persons whom we esteem enemies to this country, commonly known by the name of tories, viz. 

all counsellors in this province appointed by mandamus, who have not publicly resigned said office, also every person who addressed governor Hutchinson at his departure from this province, who has not publicly recanted, also every officer exercising authority by virtue of any commission they hold tending to carry any of the late oppressive acts of parliament into execution in America; and in particular, we will not do any work for Tim. Ruggles of Hardwick, John Murray of Rutland, and James Putnam of Worcester, Esq’rs ; nor for any person or persons cultivating, tilling, improving, dressing, hiring or occupying any of their lands or tenements. Also we agree to refuse our work of every kind as aforesaid, to all and every person or persons, who shall not have signed the non-consumption agreement, or have entered into a similar contract or engagement, or that shall not strictly conform to the association or covenant agreed upon and signed by the Continental Congress lately convened at Philadelphia.

We further agree, that we will not do any work for any mechanic, tradesman, laborer, or others, that shall work for, or in any ways or by any means whatever, aid, assist, or promote the business, or pecuniary advantage, pleasures, or profits of any of the said enemies to this country.

Resolved, That all lawful ways and means ought to be adopted by the whole body of the people of this province, to discountenance all our inveterate political enemies in nnanner as aforesaid. 

Therefore, we earnestly recommend it to all denominations of artificers, that they call meetings of their respective craftsmen in their several counties, as soon as may be, and enter into associations and agreements for said purposes, and that all husbandmen, laborers, &c. do the like: And that whoever shall be guilty of any breach of any or either of the articles or agreements, be held by us in contempt, as enemies to our common rights.”

Legacy of the Revolution in Worcester

A volume might be collected from the instructions, resolutions, memorials, and addresses spread on the records of the town, and scattered through the documents of its committees, conventions, and political associations. 

The same decision, intelligence, and independence, woven into the papers which have been copied, were continually embodied in language, always forcible and energetic, usually simple and correct, often eloquent and elegant. 

Many of the productions of later periods were marked by distinguished ability. It is only possible to select a small portion from the great mass of materials: the omissions are less to be regretted, as action soon gave stronger illustration of feeling, than could be derived from written declarations. 

In the primary movements of the revolution, Worcester was the central point from which animating influences were diffused over the surrounding country. If the first impulses were derived from the metropolis of the state (Boston), the motion was communicated and wonderfully accelerated by the vigorous exertion of the capital of the county (Worcester). 

If the impressions made by that capital on her neighbors, were less distinct during the progress, than at the commencement of the struggle, it was not because the flame of patriotism burned less bright, but that the most ardent of her citizens laid down the pen to take up the sword, and the efforts to produce union and excite, resolution in the assemblies of the people, were exchanged for demonstrations of their practical efi”ects in the camp and on the battle field.

Military Provisions Stored in Worcester

Towards the close of the year, efforts were made to establish a depot of provisions and munitions of war, at Worcester. Beef, pork, grain, and flour, were collected from the inhabitants, and probably from other sources, as subscriptions for the purpose were made by some of the patriotic leaders in Boston. 

A quantity of lead was obtained, and some of the Committee of Correspondence exhibited so much zeal, as to solicit the gift of the broad pewter platters of family use, to be converted into bullets. 

As compared with the collections which gave to Concord the glory of the visit of the British troops, on the 19th of April following, the deposites in Worcester were very inconsiderable.

Worcester Prepares for Hostilities

The commencement of the year 1775 was a period of intense interest. The difficulties between the mother country and the colonies were fast hastening to a decision by the appeal to battle. The Whigs, who might at the outset have been contented with the redress of grievances, and by reasonable concessions, now looked forward to the accomplishment of independence. The Royalists, driven by the course of events into a position from which they could not recede, were separated from their countrymen. 

The inflexible perseverance of the ministry left no hope of conciliation. The language of moderation was still on the lips of men but stern determination in their hearts. It was like the pause on the eve of a fight when the signal for engagement is impatiently awaited.

Militia and Minutemen Companies

Preparations for the conflict were actively, though silently, made. In January 1775, it was recommended to the company of minute men to exercise frequently and perfect themselves in discipline, and payment was promised for their services. Efforts were strenuously made to procure a supply of arms and munitions. 

Towns Instructed to Send Tax Money to Henry Gardiner

The collectors of taxes were instructed, as all public moneys ought to be appropriated for the greatest benefit, and the Provincial Congress had appointed Henry Gardiner, Esq. receiver general, to pay over to him all sums which might come to their hands from assessments, and it was voted, to idemnify them from the consequences of obedience to this injunction.

Allegiance to the Continental Congress

The instructions (*) to Timothy Bigelow, reelected delegate to the Provincial Congress, attest the reluctance which was felt to become aggressors. After commenting on the violations of rights, and soliciting “the advice of the general Congress, as to what measures are most proper for the province to adopt respecting civil government, which at this day we are deprived of,” they say, “and we determine to rest quietly in this situation, however perplexing, agreeably to the recommendation of our late Continental Congress, until the operation of their petition to his majesty be known: excepting the commencement of hostilities against us, should require the adopting a form of civil government for the defence of our lives and property. And under such exigency, you are to conduct yourself accordingly, and endeavor that the best form possible be adopted, for the support of good order and the liberties of the people, which, we think, make every servant of the public dependent upon the suffrages of the people for their authority.”

• Author Note (*) — Reported by Nathan Baldwin and Jonathan Stone on January 24, 1775.

British Spies

The severity of the winter prevented any movements of the British troops from Boston to repress the revolutionary spirit manifesting itself in military arrangements as well as in municipal resolutions. Preparations were, however, made for the march of the forces in the spring into the counties of Worcester and Middlesex to inflict vengeance on those styled rebels. 

Captain William Brown of the 53d, and Ensign Henry De Bernicre, of the 10th regiment, were ordered by General Thomas Gage to make an expedition, examine the roads, note the distances from town to town, sketch the positions of the streams, heights, passes, and posts, and collect such topographical information as would be useful for the advance of a detachment. 

• AHC Note — Captain William Brown and Ensign Henry De Berniere (often spelled “De Bernicre” in older accounts) were the two officers Gage sent to collect information and draw the map. Brown and De Berniere carried out two separate spy missions for Gage.
  • Gage’s Orders to Brown and De Berniere (February 22, 1775)
  • British Spy Map, made by Brown and De Berniere

Ensign De Berniere’s Report

The report of their journey, made by the latter officer, was found after the evacuation of the metropolis. They left Boston disguised as countrymen, without uniform, and passed through Cambridge, Watertown, and by Framingham, to Shrewsbury, on the old road. The following is the account of their visit in Worcester.

“We came into a pass, about four miles from Worcester, where we were obliged to stop to sketch. We arrived at Worcester at five o’clock in the evening, very much fatigued: the people in the town did not take notice of us as we came in, so that we got safe to Mr. Jones’ tavern: on our entrance he seemed a little sour, but it wore off by degrees, and we found him to be our friend, which made us very happy: we dined and supped without any thing happening out of the common run.

• AHC Note — Jones, the tavern owner, was a Loyalist.

The next day being Sunday, we could not think of travelling, as it was contrary to the custom of the country: nor dare we stir out until the evening, because of meeting: and nobody is allowed to walk the streets, during divine service, without being taken up and examined: so that, thinking we could not stand the examination so well, we thought it prudent to stay at home, where we wrote and corrected our sketches.

The landlord was very attentive to us, and on our asking what he could give us for breakfast, he told us, tea, or any thing else we chose; that was an open confession what he was: but for fear he might be imprudent, we did not tell him who we were, though we were certain he knew it. In the evening, we went round the town and on all the hills that command it, sketched everything we desired, and returned to the town without being seen.

That evening about eight o’clock, the landlord came in and told us there were two gentlemen who wanted to speak with us. We asked him who they were. On which he said, we would be safe in their company: we said we did not doubt that, as we hoped two gentlemen, who travelled merely to see the country and stretch our limbs, as we had lately come from sea, could not meet with any thing else but civility, when we behaved ourselves properly. He told us he would come in again in a little time, and perhaps we would change our minds, and left us.

An hour after, he returned, and told us the gentlemen were gone, but had begged him to let us know, as they knew us to be officers of the army, that all their friends of government at Petersham were disarmed by the rebels, and that they threatened to do the same at Worcester in a very little time: he sat and talked politics, and drank a bottle of wine with us; and also told us, that none but a few friends to government knew we were in town: we said, it was very indifferent to us whether they did or not, though we thought very differently: however, as we imagined we had staid long enough in that town, we resolved to set off at day break the next morning, and get to Framingham.

Accordingly, off we set, after getting some roast beef and brandy from our landlord, which was very necessary on a long march and prevented us going into houses where, perhaps, they might be too inquisitive. We took a road we had not come, and that led us to the pass four miles from Worcester. We went on unobserved by any one, until we passed Shrewsbury, when we were overtaken by a horseman, who examined us very attentively, and especially me, whom he looked at from head to foot, as if he wanted to know me again: after he had taken his observations, he rode off pretty hard, and took the Marlborough road, but, by good luck, we took the Framingham road again, to be more perfect in it, as we thought it would be the one made use of.”

The horseman was Captain Timothy Bigelow, who had been sent by the Committee of Correspondence to observe the officers, whose martial bearing, notwithstanding their caution and disguise, betrayed their military character. 

Having followed the Framingham road to its intersection with the highway through Sudbury, Brown and De Bernicre turned back to Marlborough. There they were in great clanger of being seized and detained, but, by the aid of the friends of government, they escaped and reached Boston in safety. Soon after, they explored the road to Concord and the country round.

• AHC Note — On March 20, 1775, General Gage issued new orders to Brown and De Berniere. This time, they were told to go to Concord to “examine the road and situation of the town ” and gather “information…relative to what quantity of artillery and provisions.” While conducting their mission, the two spies learned that 14 cannons and other military supplies were hidden in Concord.

It was, unquestionably, the purpose of General Gage to have marched troops to Worcester to capture the stores reported to be collected here in great quantities, although really inconsiderable in amount. 

A plan of the village, with the outline of military works and notes indicating the position of two regiments, was seen by a citizen of the town (*) among the papers left by the British after the evacuation. Possibly, it might have been proposed to canton a part of the army in the interior. Whatever disposition of troops had been contemplated, the result of the April movements prevented the execution.

• Author Note (*) — The late Isaiah Thomas. An extensive encampment with a fortress was projected on Chandler Hill, the eminence commanding the town on the east.
• AHC Note — While General Gage migh have intended to send troops to Worcester in the future, it was not the case on the night of April 18, 1775. The orders he gave to Lieutanant Colonel Francis Smith were clear — the target was Concord.

Militia and Minutemen Training

In March, the company of minute men was directed to train half a day in each week; payment of one shilling was allowed to each for this service, and a penalty provided, equal in amount, for absence. 

• This company had met almost daily for months. When the weather permitted, they paraded on the common or occupied the streets. In the storms of winter, they were drilled in some hall.
• Under the instruction of Captain Timothy Bigelow, they had attained great proficiency in military science and, when afterwards mustered at Cambridge, received commendations from the superior officers for good discipline and celerity of evolution.
• Captain Bigelow was soon promoted and was succeeded in the command by Lieutenant Jonas Hubbard. When new enlistments were made, this company was virtually disbanded, although the men served in the new corps that were formed.

The Lexington Alarm Arrives

Their services were soon to be required for the defence of the country. Before noon, on the 19th of April, an express came to the town, shouting, as he passed through the street at full speed, “To arms! To arms! The war is begun!” His white horse, bloody with spurring and dripping with sweat, fell exhausted by the church. Another was instantly procured, and the tidings went on (*).

• Author Note (*) — The passage of the messenger of war, mounted on his white steed, and gathering the population to battle, made vivid impression on memory. The tradition of his appearance is preserved in many of our villages. In the animated description of the aged, it seems like the representation of death on the pale horse, careering through the land, with his terrific summons to the grave.

The bell rang out the alarm, cannons were fired, and messengers were sent to every part of the town to collect the soldiery. As the news spread, the implements of husbandry were thrown by in the field, and the citizens left their homes with no longer delay than to seize their arms. 

In a short time, the minute men were paraded on the green, under Captain Timothy Bigelow; after fervent prayer by the Reverend Thaddeus Maccarty, they took up the line of march. They were soon followed by as many of the train bands as could be gathered under Captain Benjamin Flagg. On that day, 110 men marched from the town of Worcester for Concord. 

Intelligence of the retreat of the enemy met them after they advanced, and they turned towards Boston. When Captain Bigelow reached the ancient Howe Tavern in Sudbury, he halted to rest his men. Captain Flagg, who had commenced his march an hour or two later, came up, and, insisting on pushing forward without loss of time, both officers moved on to Cambridge.

• AHC Note — Six militia companies from Sudbury responded to the Lexington Alarm and engaged the British at Merriam’s Corner, during their march back to Boston.

The rolls of these soldiers of patriotism have fortunately been preserved in the office of the Secretary of State, where they were returned in compliance with a resolution of the Provincial Congress.

Muster Role of Timothy Bigelow’s Company

Muster roll of a company of minute and militia men, which marched from the town of Worcester to Cambridge, on the alarm, April 19, 1775, under the command of Captain Timothy Bigelow, in the regiment of which Artemas Ward, Esq., was Colonel.

Officers and Musicians

• Timothy Bigelow, Captain
• Jonas Hubbard, Lieutenants
• John Smith, Lieutenants
• William Gates, Sergeant 
• Nathaniel Harrington, Sergeant
• John Kannaday, Sergeant
• William Dana, Sergeant
• John Pierce, Corporal 
• Cyprian Stevens, Corporal 
• Joel Smith, Corporal
• Nathaniel Heywood, Corporal
• Eli Putnam, Drummer
• John Hair, Fifer
• Joseph Pierce, Fifer

Enlisted Men

• Peter Boyden
• Benjamin Bennet
• David Chadwick
• Eli Chapin
• Philip Donehue
• Benjamin Estabro
• Josiah Flagg
• Phineas Flagg
• Nathaniel Flagg
• Josiah Gates
• Thomas Gates
• Jonathan Gleason
• James Taylor
• William Griggs
• Gideon Griggs
• Edward Hair
• Asa Harrington
• John Hall
• Artemas Knight
• John Knower
• Ephraim Miller
• William Miles
• Joseph Morse
• Jonas Nichols
• Josiah Pierce
• Solomon Smith
• Ithamar Smith
• Phinehas Ward
• Ebenezer Wiswall
• James Wiser
• Daniel Haven
• William Trowbridge
• John Cole
• Joseph Ball
• Jonathan Stone
• Samuel Wesson
• Thomas Nichols
• Thomas Knight
• Joseph Miller
• Samuel Harrington
• Thomas Lynde
• Joseph Cunningham
• Joshua Harrington
• Robert Crawford
• Moses Hamilton
• Samuel Bennett
• Samuel Hemmenway
• William Walker
• Nicholas Powers
• Daniel Willington
• William Curtis
• William Treadwell
• Edward Swan
• Joseph Curtis
• Samuel Cook
• Samuel Dunham
• Asa Ward
• Elisha Fuller
• John Totman
• Joseph Thorp
• George Walker
• Thomas Drury
• Samuel Brown
• Adam Hemmenway
• Josiah Perry

Muster Role of Benjamin Flagg’s Company

Muster Roll of Captain Benjamin Flagg’s company, in the Colony service, on the alarm, April 19, 1775.

Officers

• Benjamin Flagg, Captain
• William McFarland, Lieutenant
• Ebenezer Lovell, Ensign
• Daniel Beard, Sergeant
• Benjamin Flagg, Jr., Sergeant

Enlisted Men

• Eleazer Holbrook,
• Isaae Morse,
• Abel Holbrook,
• Jacob Holmes, Jr.,
• Simeon Duncan,
• Samuel Clark,
• Eleazer Hawes,
• Isaac Gleason,
• Robert Smith,
• Samuel Sturtevant,
• Daniel Stearns,
• Edward Crafts,
• Samuel Gates,
• David Richards,
• Gershom Holmes,
• Simon Gates,
• Isaac Knight,
• Ezekiel Howe, Jr.
• Abel Flagg.
• Levi Houghton,
• Samuel Whitney,
• Benjamin Whitney, Jr.
• Josiah Harrington, Jr.
• Samuel Whitney, Jr.
• Jonathan Stone,
• Oliver Pierce

New England Army of Observation

The organization of the army, which had spontaneously collected at Cambridge, was immediately made. Timothy Bigelow was appointed Major in Colonel Jonathan Ward’s regiment. A company of 59 men, enlisted on April 24, under Capttain Jonas Hubbard, with John Smith and William Gates, Lieutenants, all from Worcester.

Seventeen other soldiers joined the companies of Captains Washburn, Fay, and Jones in Colonel Ward’s and Doolittle’s regiments of infantry.

About 20 more were enrolled in the regiment of artillery under Colonel Thomas Crafts; Edward Crafts served with the rank of captain; William Dana and William Treadwell were Lieutenants in his company.

Loyalists Flee Worcester

While the military strength of the town was arrayed in arms against the troops of the King, the Committee of Correspondence was dealing with the internal enemies of the country. 

On the intelligence of the commencement of the war, many of the protesters abandoned their families, their homes, and their possessions and took refuge in Boston. Those who remained were summoned before the revolutionary tribunal on April 21 and were compelled to give assurances that they would not go out of the town without permission from the selectmen.

• AHC Note — When the Siege of Boston ended in March 1776, many of the Loyalitsts that remained in the city left with British forces and sailed to Halifax, Nova Scotia. Most are believed to have settled in Canada or England, and few returned to their homes in America.

On May 8, William Campbell, charged with a violation of this agreement, and Samuel Paine, accused of circulating reports injurious to the honor of the provincial army, were arrested and sent under guard to the Provincial Congress at Watertown, by order of the town. 

An opportunity was offered to the Royalists of redeeming their character by joining the American troops, “under penalty of being considered unworthy of the future confidence of their countrymen, and willing to join an unlawful banditti, to murder and ravage.” 

As the proposal was not complied with, the committee issued their precept to the sheriff to notify 29 persons to appear before them with their muskets and ammunition. The order was obeyed, and the remains of the party thus summoned were disarmed and then permitted to retire.

Significance

The events that took place on April 18–19, 1775, include some of the most historic — and legendary — moments in American History. Many of the details about these events are found in the letters and depositions written at the time and have been used by many historians as the basis for articles and books about the Battles of Lexington and Concord.

However, interesting details that can be found in the histories of the towns that responded to the Midnight Riders and the Lexington Alarm, including Worcester, are often overlooked. Militia and Minuteman companies from approximately 27 towns fought the British from Lexington to Concord and then from Concord back to Boston. Many of those men remained there and participated in the Siege of Boston and the Battle of Bunker Hill.

Although these local histories are sometimes embellished and border on folklore, they still provide valuable insight into the pride towns felt over standing up against the British forces who fired on the King’s subjects at Lexington and Concord.

This entry about the role of the Pepperell Militia is part of “The Shot Heard ‘Round the World,” a collection of entries, images, and objects covering the events of April 18–19, 1775.

Appendix

William Lincoln

William Lincoln (1802–1843) was the son of Levi Lincoln, who moved to Worcester in December 1775 and served as Attorney General of the United States under President Thomas Jefferson. William graduated from Harvard College (1822) and joined the Worcester Bar (1825). Lincoln was a historian and public official who is most famous for writing his history of Worcester. A noted horticulturist, he never married.

Worcester

The region where Worcester lies was inhabited by the Nipmuc People when Europeans arrived in North America. In 1673, missionaries John Eliot and Daniel Gookin led an expedition to the area to establish a new “Praying Town.” Upon arrival, Gookin bought eight acres of land from the Nipmuc, which was used to set up a trading post. The settlement was abandoned during King Philip’s War and Queen Anne’s War, due to its remote location and ongoing Indian attacks. It was resettled in 1713 by Jonas Rice and given the name “Worcester.” The town became the seat of Worcester County, and a prime location for Patriot activity during the American Reveolution.